Nizari–Seljuk Conflicts

By the late 11th century, the Shi'a sub-sect of Ismailism (later Nizari Ismailism) had found many adherents in Persia, although the region was occupied by the Sunni Seljuk Empire. The hostile tendencies of the Abbasid–Seljuk order triggered a revolt by Ismailis in Persia under Hassan-i Sabbah.

Due to the increasingly significant socio-economic issues, the decentralization of the Seljuk government leading to inefficient army mobilization, and a unifying factor of religion in the provinces facilitating the swift spread of the revolt, the Seljuks were unable to quickly put down the revolt.

The conflict was characterized by the weaker Nizaris assassinating key opponents and employing impregnable strongholds, and the Seljuks massacring the Ismailis and their sympathizers.

Due to the Seljuks and Nizaris being unable to complete the war quickly, the Nizaris lost their momentum in the war leading to a stalemate on both sides. Combined with the Nizaris confined to heavily defended castles in unfavorable terrain, the Seljuks reluctantly accepted the independence of the revolt.

Sources

The bulk of the sources authored by the Nizaris was lost after the Mongol invasion and during the subsequent Ilkhanate period. Much of what is known about the Nizari history in Persia is based on the hostile Ilkhanate-era history works ''Tarikh-i Jahangushay'' (by Ata-Malik Juvayni), '' Zubdat at-Tawarikh'' (by Abd Allah ibn Ali al-Kashani), and ''Jami' al-Tawarikh'' (by Rashid al-Din Hamadani).

Background

In the tenth century, the Muslim World was dominated by two powers: the Fatimid Caliphate ruled over North Africa and the Levant while the Seljuk Empire controlled Persia. The Fatimids were adherents of Ismailism, a branch of Shia Islam; but the Seljuks were Sunni Muslims.

By the final decades of the imamate (leadership of the Ismaili Muslim community) of the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir Billah, many people in Seljuk-ruled Persia had converted to the Fatimid doctrine of Ismailism, while the Qarmatian doctrine was declining. Apparently, the Ismailis of Persia had already acknowledged the authority of a single Chief ''Da'i'' (missionary) based in a secret headquarters in the Seljuk capital Isfahan. The Chief ''Da'i'' in the 1070s was Abd al-Malik ibn Attash, a Fatimid scholar who was respected even among Sunni elites. He led a revolt in 1080 provoked by the increasingly severe Seljuk repressions of the Ismailis.

History

Establishment of the Alamut State

The Ismailis in Persia, and by extension, ''Da'i'' Hassan-i Sabbah were already aware of the declining power of the Fatimids. During his nine years of activity in service of the Fatimid ''da'wah'' in different parts of Persia, Hassan had evaluated the strengths and the weaknesses of the Seljuk military and government. Taking advantage of his position in service of the Fatimid ''da'wah'' in several Seljuk provinces, he took note of the Seljuk administrative and military prowess. After nine years of intelligence operations, Hassan would concentrate his missionary efforts at Daylam, a traditional stronghold for the minority Zaydi Shias which had been already penetrated by the Ismaili ''da'wa''.

By 1087, Hassan had chosen the inaccessible castle of Alamut, located in the remote area of Rudbar in northern Persia, as the base of operations. From Damghan and later Shahriyarkuh, he dispatched several ''da'i''s to convert the locals of the settlements in the Alamut valley. These activities were noticed by the Seljuk vizier Nizam al-Mulk, who ordered Abu Muslim, the governor of Rayy, to arrest the ''da'i''. Hassan managed to remain hidden and secretly arrived at Daylam, temporarily settling in Qazvin. He was later appointed as the Fatimid ''Da'i'' of Daylam.

From Qazvin Hassan dispatched one further ''da'i'' to Alamut. Meanwhile, Ismailis from elsewhere infiltrated and populated the Alamut region. Hassan then moved to Ashkawar, and then Anjirud, gradually getting closer to the castle, and secretly entered the castle itself on the eve of September 4, 1090, living there for a while disguised as a children's teacher. Mahdi, the commandant of the castle, eventually discovered Hassan's identity, but he was powerless since many in the castle, including his guards, were Ismailis or Ismaili converts then. Hassan permitted Mahdi to leave peacefully and then paid him via Muzaffar, a Seljuk '' ra'is'' and a secret Ismaili, 3,000 gold dinars for the castle. The seizure of the castle marks the establishment of the Ismaili state in Persia (also called the "Alamut state") and the beginning of the so-called Alamut Period during which the Ismaili mission unfolded as an open revolt against the Sunni authorities.

Expansion in Rudbar and Quhistan

The Ismailis of Alamut quickly began to construct or capture (by conversion or force) new strongholds in Rudbar valley on the bank of the Shahrud river.

Meanwhile, Hassan dispatched Husayn Qa'ini to his homeland, Quhistan (a region southwest of Khurasan), where he was even more successful. The Quhistani people resented the rule of their oppressive Seljuk emir even more, such that the movement spread there not through secret conversion, but an open revolt. Soon the major towns of Tun (modern Ferdows), Tabas, Qa'in, and Zuzan came under Ismaili control. Quhistan became a well-established Ismaili province governed by a local ruler, titled ''muhtasham'' (), appointed from Alamut.

The areas that had been chosen by the Ismaili leaders (Rudbar, Quhistan, and later Arrajan) had several common advantages: difficult mountainous terrain, dissatisfied population, and a local tradition of Ismaili or at least Shia tendencies. Initially, the Ismailis gained support mostly in rural areas. They also received crucial support from non-Ismailis who sympathized with them merely due to socio-economic or political reasons. Thus, the Ismailis transformed into a formidable and disciplined revolutionary group against the staunchly Sunni Abbasid–Seljuk order that had dominated the Islamic World.

A complex set of religious and political motives was behind the revolt. The anti-Shia policies of the Seljuks, the new pioneers of Sunni Islam (''see also Sunni Revival''), were not tolerable for the Ismailis. The early widespread Ismaili revolt in Persia was, less conspicuously, an expression of national Persian Muslim sentiment: the Persians, who had been Islamized but not Arabized,Iran in History
by Bernard Lewis. were conscious of their distinct identity in the Muslim World and viewed the Seljuk Turks (and their Turkish predecessors Ghaznavids and Qarakhanids which had put an end to the so-called Iranian intermezzo) as foreigners who had invaded their homeland from Central Asia.B. Hourcade, “ALAMŪT,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/8, pp. 797-801; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/alamut-valley-alborz-northeast-of-qazvin- (accessed on 17 May 2014). The Seljuk rule was detested by various social classes. Hassan himself openly resented the Turks. Interestingly, the Ismaili state was the first Muslim entity that adopted Persian as a religious language.

Economic issues further contributed to the widespread revolt. The new Seljuk social order was based on ''iqta''' (allotted land), which subjugated the locals under a Turkic ''amir'' and his army that levied heavy taxes. In sharp contrast, the Ismaili state was dedicated to the ideal of social justice.

Early Seljuk Responses

The first bloodshed perpetrated by the Ismailis against the Seljuks was possibly before the capture of Alamut. A group of Ismailis performing joint prayers was arrested in Sawa by the Seljuk police chief and were freed after being questioned. The group later unsuccessfully attempted to convert a muezzin from Sawa who was active in the Seljuk capital Isfahan. Fearing that he would denounce Ismailism, the group murdered the muezzin. The vizier Nizam al-Mulk ordered the execution of the group's leader, Tahir, whose corpse was then dragged through the market. Tahir was a son of a senior preacher who had been lynched by a mob in Kirman for being an Ismaili.

Yurun-Tash, the emir holding the ''iqta''' of Rudbar, quickly began to harass and massacre the Ismailis at the foot of Alamut. The besieged garrison of Alamut was on the verge of defeat and was considering abandoning the castle due to a lack of supplies. However, Hassan claimed that he had received a special message promising good fortune from Imam al-Mustansir Billah himself, persuading the garrison to continue their resistance. The Ismailis eventually emerged victorious when Yurun-Tash died of natural causes. Alamut was nicknamed ''baldat al-iqbāl'' (, literally "the city of good fortune") after this fortuitous victory.

Campaigns of Sultan Malikshah and Nizam al-Mulk

Sultan Malikshah and his vizier Nizam al-Mulk soon realized the inability of the local emirs to manage the Ismaili rebels. In 1092, they sent two separate armies against Rudbar and Quhistan. The garrison of Alamut consisted of only 70 men with limited supplies when the Seljuk army under emir Arslan-Tash invested the castle. Hassan asked for assistance from the Qazwin-based ''da'i'' Dihdar Abu Ali Ardestani. The latter broke the Seljuk line with a force of 300 men and resupplied and reinforced Alamut. A coordinated surprise attack in September or October 1092 by the reinforced garrison and allied locals resulted in a rout of the Seljuk besiegers.

While planning further anti-Ismaili campaigns, Nizam al-Mulk was assassinated on October 14, 1092, in western Persia. The assassination was performed by a ''fida'i'' sent by Hassan-i Sabbah, but it was probably at the instigation of Sultan Malikshah and his wife Terken Khatun, who were wary of the all-powerful vizier.

Meanwhile, the Seljuk army against Quhistan, led by emir Qizil-Sarigh and supported by forces from Khorasan and Sistan, was concentrating its efforts on the castle of Darah, a dependency of the major Ismaili castle of Mu'min-Abad. Sultan Malikshah died in November 1092 and the soldiers besieging Darah immediately withdrew because the Seljuk soldiers traditionally owed their allegiance only to the sultan himself. With the deaths of Nizam al-Mulk and Malikshah, all planned actions against the Ismailis were aborted.

Further Ismaili expansion and schism during the Seljuk civil war of 1092–1105

The sudden deaths of Nizam al-Mulk and Malikshah reshaped the political landscape of the Seljuk realm. A decade-long civil war began involving the Seljuk claimants and the semi-independent Seljuk emirs who constantly shifted their allegiances. Barkiyaruq had been proclaimed as the ruler, supported by the relatives of Nizam al-Mulk and the new Abbasid caliph al-Mustazhir. His rivals included his half-brother Muhammad Tapar and Tutush, the governor of Syria. The latter was killed in 1095 in battle. Fighting with Muhammad Tapar, who was backed by Sanjar

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